Kate Thompson was a spirited sophomore at the
College of Charleston before her operation.
In 1996, the then-20-year-old cheerleader underwent brain surgery to
remove a benign tumor. By all accounts, the procedure went well. But soon
after returning to school, she started to suffer severe headaches. Her
family was told the pain was part of the recovery process -- nothing to
worry about.
When she began experiencing seizures on her way to the emergency room
of a Myrtle Beach hospital, it was clear something was terribly wrong.
It turns out that surgical foam and gel used to stem bleeding during
her surgery had been left inside her head, causing her brain to hemorrhage
and destroying much of her short-term memory. While she can still walk and
talk, doctors say she will need constant care for the rest of her life.
Thompson's parents settled a civil lawsuit against Kate's doctor for an
undisclosed amount. Fayrell Furr, the Thompson family lawyer, said the
money is "vital to her well-being."
A bevy of bills now up for debate in the state Legislature would limit
the amount of money future Kate Thompsons could receive.
If the limits pass, critics say, the unintended consequences of these
bills would disproportionately punish the unemployed, children, the
elderly and the poor.
On Tuesday, a Senate subcommittee is expected to vote to send up to 16
related bills to the Senate floor. Together, these pieces of proposed
legislation seek in one way or another to curb the way civil suits are
brought and processed in the courts.
Critics are most alarmed by several of the bills that aim to cap jury
awards. Other states have enacted similar caps.
To proponents, among them doctors, insurance companies and Gov. Mark
Sanford, these bills represent "tort reform."
They say runaway jury verdicts are to blame for today's skyrocketing
health care costs. A ceiling preventing someone from suing a doctor for an
unlimited amount of money, these advocates maintain, will corral
out-of-control medical malpractice insurance premiums that are forcing
some physicians out of business and creating a shortage of much-needed
doctors in certain fields and in some pockets of the state.
Opponents of caps contend none of that is true.
Plaintiffs' lawyers and consumer advocates say the number of doctors in
South Carolina is growing, not shrinking. They also say any links between
jury awards and insurance rates are sketchy at best. The real culprits
driving up insurance costs, these groups argue, are the insurance
companies themselves, as they seek to recoup stock market losses from
earlier this decade.
PITFALLS
Both sides of the debate offer reams of data to support their
arguments.
State lawmakers, swayed by one side or the other, have been gridlocked
on the issue for years. As the fight heats up again, the few ambivalent
ones get bombarded with phone calls from lobbyists, while the public is
treated to a steady stream of infomercials and media ads replete with
images of greedy lawyers or negligent doctors.
Regardless of who's right, the caps imposed in Senate Bill 38 and
others like it will take a toll on some more than others.
That's the case for anyone relying on so-called noneconomic damages, or
"pain and suffering," for compensation. It's these damages that would be
capped.
Jury awards generally fall into three categories of damages: economic,
noneconomic and punitive.
Economic damages are awarded based on criteria including how much a
person earned and what they would be expected to earn in the future.
This approach poses a problem for juries trying to assess damages for
the unemployed and stay-at-home moms, who don't earn paychecks, and young
people like Kate Thompson, who hadn't entered the work force. Senior
citizens and minimum-wage earners also don't fare well in this category.
Noneconomic damages are supposed to pick up the slack for those people.
Senate Bill 83, however, would limit noneconomic damages to $250,000
for a medical malpractice case unless there was "gross negligence,"
allowing the plaintiff to sue for punitive damages.
But even when such negligence is proved, Senate Bill 2 would seek to
cap punitive damages at $250,000 as well.
"Why is that fair?" asked Furr, a Myrtle Beach-based lawyer. "If that's
the most we could have gotten for Kate, how would that make up for what
happened and help her folks take care of her for the rest of her life?"
BIGGER THAN S.C.
The debate over the guidelines governing liability law has raged across
the nation for years. Roughly 30 states have imposed caps, dating back to
1975 when California became the first.
President Bush has taken up the mantle for change. Aside from caps, his
agenda -- similar to many South Carolina Republicans -- includes a host of
proposals ranging from reducing the time someone is allowed to sue a
company after a problem has been discovered to restricting the venues
where lawsuits can be filed.
Still, the issue of caps is the most contentious. Last year, caps
proved the sticking point in the state General Assembly. The House of
Representatives passed a bill approving caps, but the Senate became
deadlocked. Caps turned out to be the deal-breaker.
To avoid a possible repeat performance, the House this year is poised
to pass a bill that has removed all talk of dollar limits. The Senate,
though, doesn't have such reservations.
Activists backing both sides traveled to Columbia last week to be seen
and heard.
The South Carolina Trial Lawyers Association brought out family members
of medical malpractice victims who told horror stories of how loved ones
were maimed or killed by negligent doctors.
The South Carolina Medical Association countered by bringing forward
physicians who said their insurance was so expensive they could no longer
afford to deliver babies or work in trauma centers, two areas with some of
the higher insurance premiums.
Sanford joined the ranks of doctors rallying around the Statehouse in
their white gowns. Changing the liability laws is one of the governor's
top five priorities this year.
Sen. Scott Richardson, R-Hilton Head, has sponsored many of the bills
that could make their way to the Senate floor as early as this week and is
a big supporter of caps. "Health insurance and access to health care is a
social issue, and the public deserves good health," Richardson said. "The
trial lawyers will always talk about exceptions (of what will happen if
caps are imposed), about awful stories ... but I'm concerned about what
will happen if we drive out insurers and doctors.
"I'm not trying to shield bad doctors from responsibility," he added.
"I just want to take a good look at what's in the best interest of the
public good."
Sen. Robert Ford, D-Charleston, says Richardson has got it all wrong.
"Proponents of these bills are worrying about the doctors. Opponents
are worrying about the lawyers. But who is worrying about the citizens of
this state?" Ford said. "With these caps, by the time you're done paying
the lawyers, there's no money left. And why are you in such a situation?
Because someone else, a doctor, screwed up.
"We talk about the fight between the doctors and the lawyers on this
one," Ford continued. "The real question is, why isn't anyone taking a
look at these insurance companies."
TIT-FOR-TAT
Robert Hunter has looked hard at the insurance companies for years and
agrees with Ford.
The director of insurance for the Consumer Federation of America,
Hunter says he has seen similar crises with high malpractice premiums in
the past. When interest rates are low and the stock market does poorly,
insurers typically scale back on writing such policies. And that jacks up
the rates on the doctors.
His research -- backed up by other independent studies -- also shows
that caps have not had a noticeable impact in the states that have them.
"Rates go up just as fast in states with caps as states without them," he
said.
Hunter also points to a report from the nonpartisan Congressional
Budget Office that found malpractice costs came to less than 2 percent of
overall health care costs in the country.
That means, according to the data, that a 30 percent cut in malpractice
premiums would shave only 0.5 percent off national health care spending.
Critics of Hunter and studies with similar results attack the
methodology of the research. They also come armed with figures to back
their own assertions.
"The bottom line is the (insurance) industry has been losing a lot of
money because of the rising awards and settlements and other tort-related
costs," said Loretta Worters of the Insurance Information Institute, an
industry-backed group in New York.
"In 2003, medical malpractice costs, at almost $27 billion, cost each
American an average $91 a year," she said. "This compares with $5 a year
in 1975."
Worters was referring to a study released this month by insurance
industry consulting firm Tillinghast-Towers Perrin, indicating how
increases of malpractice costs have outpaced other tort areas. The annual
report's methodology and conclusions have been hotly disputed by opponents
of liability changes.
Christian Hartley, a product liability lawyer with the Charleston firm
Richardson, Patrick, Westbrook & Brickman, said passing the limits
would be a big mistake.
"The Legislature is about to make changes with very few facts," Hartley
said. "If you scratch the surface, you will see that the ones they have
are fake."
Caps, he said, would be a disaster for those who have already been
victimized.
"The right to have our day in court and to sue is a check and balance
to the system," he said. "The deck is stacked against the little guy, and
this is the only thing giving them some recourse."
Hartley also said state figures show the number of physicians
practicing in South Carolina grew 9.3 percent between 1999 and 2003.
"Doctors aren't going anywhere," he said.
The South Carolina Medical Association counters with figures of its
own. Students interested in studying neurosurgery and obstetrics at the
Medical University of South Carolina are down, the association says,
because they see insurance premiums soar in these fields.
Also, trauma and burn centers across the state, including in
Charleston, have been forced to close because of the exorbitant costs of
doing business, the SCMA says.
Whichever side ends up victorious, Ann Marie Thompson, Kate's sister,
says she cannot imagine what caps would have meant for her family.
"That money is extremely important. My parents would never think of
putting Kate in assisted living," said the 23-year-old law school student
at the University of South Carolina.
Ann Marie Thompson was among those who testified last week in front of
lawmakers.
"Limiting caps will allow them (doctors) to act negligently and not
worry about it," she said later. "In life, you have to pay for your
mistakes. That is their job and the responsibility they take."
UP FOR DEBATE
Several bills limiting jury awards in medical malpractice cases soon
could make their way to the Senate floor.
-- Senate Bill 83 would limit noneconomic damages to $250,000 for such
cases unless the defendant or medical provider's conduct was grossly
negligent, allowing for punitive damages.
-- Senate Bill 2 would do the same as S83 and limit punitive damages to
the "lesser of three times the amount of compensatory damages or
$250,000."
-- Senate Bill 36 would limit noneconomic damages to $300,000 with nine
exceptions, including requiring mediation or arbitration prior to the
trial.
Source: South Carolina Senate Judiciary Committee