Back in 1984, Republican Mitch McConnell used a humorous but telling TV spot against Democratic incumbent Dee Huddleston.

Viewers saw bloodhounds baying and barking through vacation spots searching fruitlessly for Huddleston. Instead, voters found McConnell and sent Huddleston packing.

Republican Gov. Mark Sanford may be opening himself to a similar ploy, as he appears to some within his party and out to be standing on the sidelines while legislators use the off-season responding to what is arguably the hottest issue the General Assembly will face in the coming election year -- property tax reform.

Sanford spokesman Joel Sawyer said he disagrees with any premise that Sanford has been absent from the scene, citing comments on his travels around the state, meetings with lawmakers and a commitment to work with them.

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"The governor's very supportive of reform that would reduce property taxes, substituting a sales tax," Sawyer says.

Whatever Sanford's involvement, it remains a legislative initative. Legislative show

Item: Legislators held public hearings around the state last summer to take soundings on the public clamor for what is perhaps the state's most hated tax.

Item: A joint Senate Finance-Judiciary subcommittee is considering a plan to increase the state sales tax and cut the property taxes on owner-occupied homes and personal vehicles by approximately half.

Item: House Speaker Bobby Harrell, R-Charleston, won tentative approval last week for raising the sales tax to eliminate all property taxes on homes -- for schools and local governments -- and wipe out the sales tax on groceries.

It's not a Sanford issue and it emanates from a Legislature he has battled in his first three years in office, even though his own party is in firm control. It's also a Legislature that has given him short shrift from his signature tax plan to massive government restructuring.

The governor campaigned on ending the state income tax and in each of his first three legislative sessions sought unsuccessfully to reduce the top rate, although the House twice approved changes. Income tax 'worst'

Sawyer said Sanford's "focus has been on the income tax, because if you put taxes on a continuum, in terms of what's the most bad tax, what's the least bad tax, the governor's view is that a tax against the creation of wealth is the worst, a tax against the accumulation of wealth is second worst and a tax against consumption of wealth is third worst."

He referred to income, property and sales taxes, respectively.

With or without Sanford, lawmakers now are focusing on an issue driven by anti-tax groups and rising anger, desperation even, by some of their constituents over rising assessments.

House Speaker Bobby Harrell, R-Charleston, said legislative leaders have briefed Sanford and found him "very supportive," so long as the final version is revenue-neutral.

"I'd say he's monitoring what we're doing and will probably support what we come up with," Harrell said.

While Harrell wouldn't characterize it as such, his words suggested a governor who is at least publicly passive on the most explosive and far-reaching issue in a looming election year.

"He hasn't been out in the press talking about it, but he certainly hasn't hesitated to make his opinion known to me and House and Senate leaders when we met with him," Harrell said.

Dave Woodard, a Clemson University political scientist and Republican consultant, said Sanford has already become "marginalized (by) hanging back and not taking an active role in anything. Why is this different? He is almost to the Clinton triangulation status -- where he is above politics in the Statehouse." The governor is MIA

William Moore, a political scientist at the College of Charleston, said he's "astounded that property tax (reform) is being done by the Legislature without gubernatorial input. It's going to be one of the biggest issues next year, and to this point, the governor's missing in action."

Democrats and Republicans have noticed, in different contexts.

"It's truly amazing," said Lachlan McIntosh, executive director of the state Democratic Party. "Legislators and citizens all over the state are pulling together to solve this problem. The governor ... seems to have no interest in being part of the process."

Rep. Bob Leach, R-Greenville, said Sanford's absence from the property tax-sales tax swap is typical:

"It's not from a childish attitude, but it's (Sanford saying), 'I'm the governor, this is my agenda, and if you won't go with it, do it on your own.'"

Much of this is a product of Sanford's relationship -- if there even is one -- with a General Assembly controlled by fellow Republicans.

The standoffish Sanford, perhaps as much Libertarian as Republican, has reveled in votes he cast in Congress when he would be among two, three or five members voting aye or nay on various bills.

Communication is "his biggest problem," said Neal Thigpen, a Francis Marion University professor and GOP activist. Sanford's trump card

But Sanford has an ace in the hole, in the form of the other side.

"He benefits from the fact in the minds of many people, it's the General Assembly on the other side. There's a certain group that's going to admire him for standing up to them," Thigpen said.

OK, so outsider Sanford's no schmoozer, but allies say he's making overtures.

"The relationship is still about the same, but both sides are making an effort to improve it, by talking," said Harry Cato, R-Travelers Rest, chairman of the House Labor, Commerce and Industry Committee.

Those talks have reached some general common ground on property tax relief, preventing local governments from using their right of eminent domain to seize property for private development and attacking the state's rising workers' compensation rates, Cato and other legislators say.

Still up in the air: how to spend modestly increasing tax revenues.

Those aren't the issues likely to rivet voters in an election year.