Did rules changes
aid S.C. Senate? Regulations' effect
subject of debate By Aaron Gould
Sheinin Knight
Ridder
After years of partisan lockdown, filibustered legislation and
time-hogging stalling tactics, the state Senate in 2005 was, by
comparison, as slick and as quick as a greased pig.
But whether the formerly swampy Senate turned efficient is a
matter of perspective.
Republicans, who control the Senate by 26-20, are nearly
unanimous that rules changes enacted at the beginning of the session
dropped barriers to progress.
Democrats are not as sure.
"You saw it, absolutely," outgoing Senate Majority Leader Hugh
Leatherman, R-Florence, said of the new rules' effect. "We would not
have had the tremendous legislative year we've had."
"As far as the actual workings of the Senate, I don't think [the
rules] really had an impact," said Senate Minority Leader John Land,
D- Clarendon. "We just haven't had the controversial issues this
session that we normally have."
In the 2005 session's opening hours in January, the Republican
majority used its dominance to alter the body's rules.
The new rules lowered the number of votes it took to force a
senator to stop talking, or filibustering. They limited senators'
ability to unilaterally block legislation by objecting
indefinitely.
The new rules gave the chairman of the Rules Committee, Larry
Martin, R-Pickens, great power to set the Senate's agenda.
The new rules were designed to prevent the kind of logjams that
in the past have seen the Senate whittle away weeks at a time over
legislative impasse after legislative impasse.
Not all the impasses were caused by Democrats.
Democrats decried the end of an era but generally were powerless
to stop the change - a change GOP senators, Republican Gov. Mark
Sanford, the S.C. Chamber of Commerce and others sought.
So, six months later, a few things are
clear:
The Senate rarely had the meltdowns that plagued past
sessions.
There were fewer filibusters and fewer bills that took weeks of
work on the floor.
No senator was forced to end a filibuster despite the rules
change.
Two major issues are good examples of how things were different.
Last year, Senate President Pro Tem Glenn McConnell, R-Charleston -
proving that Democrats were not the only ones to use the old rules
to block bills - managed to kill a stronger seat belt bill by
filibustering.
This year, McConnell, perhaps the Senate's most powerful member,
did not stand in the way, and today that bill is on Gov. Mark
Sanford's desk.
The other example is the package of bills limiting lawsuits, jury
verdicts and business' liability. Last year, Leatherman said, "tort
reform locked us down." But this year, those bills became law.
On that issue, senators refused to stop a filibuster even though
the rules were designed to allow it. That proves, Martin said, that
Republicans did not "run over anybody" with the new rules. But the
message was clear, he said: Eventually, they'd get the votes to end
it.
Democrats and Republicans acknowledge there was less partisanship
in the chamber than in past years - although Republicans took away
Democrats' last vestige of power: the ability to appoint a member to
conference
committees. |