Gov. Mark Sanford has appointed twice as many of his political donors to state boards, commissions and agency posts as his predecessor did.

Sanford, who as a Republican gubernatorial candidate criticized former Gov. Jim Hodges for his fund-raising activities, has named more than 80 of his own donors to state offices.

Sanford's 2002 campaign received more than $360,000 from those appointees, their families and the companies they control, an analysis of campaign finance records by The (Columbia) State newspaper found.

Of the 167 appointments Sanford made through July 25, 81 - almost half - had given money to his gubernatorial campaign.

In the same time frame in 1999, Hodges, a Democrat, named campaign donors to 36 positions, just less than one-fourth of the 157 appointments during that time.

Hodges' appointees gave about $62,000 to his campaign - one-sixth as much money as Sanford's appointees gave.

Sanford says there was no quid pro quo involved in his appointments. However, critics say the governor is hypocritical to choose so many donors for state offices because it sends a message of a government for sale.

In a Nov. 21, 2001, column in The State, then-candidate Sanford wrote:

"While no one would deny that money is important to politics, there is a difference between donating to a campaign and a system of spoils.

"We have a right to express our political beliefs by supporting candidates, but we should not tolerate decisions that are reached (or appear to have been reached) based on who gave the most money."

But that's what Sanford appears to be doing, said John Crangle, director of the S.C. chapter of Common Cause, a Washington-based government watchdog group.

"It's a spoils system this man is running at the present time," Crangle said.

Sanford said whether someone gave to his campaign was only one factor in picking appointees. A campaign contribution signals a commitment to him and his views, he said.

"You can buy in personally, you can buy in philosophically, you can buy in financially," Sanford said. "If someone has bought in financially, to preclude them just because of that would be unfair."

That's true, Hodges said.

"You obviously want to make certain that people are comfortable with the direction you want to take the agency," Hodges said.

Still, it's hypocritical, Hodges said. "It's inconsistent to give us a hard time for something that apparently his record shows he's done much more often."

Sanford said what he's done is different from what he criticized Hodges for doing.

In 2001, Sanford accused Hodges of targeting companies doing business with the state for contributions.

Hodges said at the time he did no such thing.

Sanford said his column in The State was directed at the Hodges campaign's solicitations of companies with state contracts.

"I've always relied on a network of friends, and it would be logical that there would be a crossover between those friends' willingness to help me financially," Sanford said.

Sanford said the way in which he has made his appointments does not represent even the appearance of conflict.

As governor, Sanford has hundreds of appointments to make to boards that deal with things like licensing barbers and managing the state's natural resources. Some appointees must have specific expertise or live in a precise geographic area.

Many appointments also must be approved by the state Senate.

Most of the appointments are unpaid, but members often are reimbursed for travel expenses to attend meetings.

Other positions are paid. Members of the State Ports Authority board are paid $975 a month, for example. Board members of Santee Cooper, the state-owned utility, earn $12,000 a year. The chairman makes $24,000.

About two dozen Sanford appointees contacted by The State said they did not give money to Sanford's campaign in hopes of landing a slot on a board or commission.

Harry Butler and his family gave nearly $30,000 to Sanford's campaign. Butler, a real estate developer from Georgetown, said he's known Sanford since the governor was first elected to Congress in 1994. Sanford's children also went to the same preschool as Butler's son.

"Over time and exposure to him," Butler said, "I was taken with his honesty and directness and desire to bring efficiency to government, and, quite honestly, his ability to keep his promises."

Butler, whom Sanford appointed to the State Ports Authority Board in June, said he "didn't anticipate being asked to serve on anything" at the time he contributed to Sanford's gubernatorial campaign.

When Sanford called and asked him to serve, Butler said, he told the new governor, "I didn't support you to get an appointment, and he said, 'I know that, but we just really need some business people on that board.'"

Butler agreed to think about it and, a few weeks later, Sanford called him again. Butler agreed to take the appointment.

Sanford said it was one of the best decisions he's made; Butler already has had an impact.

Referring to a hearing Sanford led recently to discuss the Ports Authority budget, "Nobody has piped up the way he did," Sanford said of Butler. "You have the management team of the Ports Authority looking across the room, glaring at their board member" who's questioning why the port's overhead costs have increased.

Sanford also appointed Y.W. "Bill" Scarborough of Charleston to the board of trustees of the College of Charleston. Scarborough is chief executive officer of Atlantic Coast Life Insurance, which gave $5,500 to Sanford's campaign from September 2001 to June of this year.

"He's a friend," Scarborough said of Sanford, adding that the governor asked him to serve.

Three of Sanford's five appointees to the State Ethics Commission have ties to Sanford through campaign contributions. The Ethics Commission would consider any ethics complaint filed against Sanford.

Once appointed, members are prohibited by law from donating to political campaigns.

Sanford appointed Lisa Stevens of Greenville, a former Greenville County Republican Party chairwoman, to the State Board of Education. Stevens gave $500 to Sanford's campaign.