Gov. Mark Sanford’s income tax cut proposal will not leave his
big money campaign contributors behind, but while the top 1 percent
of incomes will receive more than 25 percent of his income tax cut,
the lower 50 percent will get nothing.
The major beneficiaries will be some of the same people who gave
Sanford more than $6 million for his 2002 election campaign and who
have been donating more than $100,000 per month the last two years —
a total of $2.5 million since his inauguration in 2003. In addition,
they have poured more millions into the campaigns of legislators
backing the tax cut. Meanwhile, legislators of both parties say that
their constituents want property tax relief much more than income
tax cuts.
When I first began lobbying for Common Cause at the State House
in 1987, a campaign for governor cost $2 million per candidate and a
campaign for state Senate $50,000. Back then, the most important
single driving force behind legislation was bribery. Lobbyists were
giving legislators unlimited amounts of free liquor, free food,
trips to domestic and foreign cities, golf clubs, drugs and
cash.
In one instance, a lobbyist paid two legislators $75,000 each to
fix a $20 million break in a tax bill.
In May 1990, I testified before the Senate Judiciary Committee
that payoffs and shakedowns were widespread at the State House. Sen.
Rick Lee, R-Spartanburg, denounced me at the hearing for impugning
his integrity and that of his admirable colleagues in the
Legislature. The following month, Sen. Lee and 16 other legislators
were indicted by the federal grand jury for bribery and related
crimes, and all but one of them were convicted. The scandal exposed
by the FBI and the U.S. attorney, known as Operation Lost Trust,
soon took down more than two dozen officials.
In the aftermath, the Legislature passed the current Ethics Act,
which took effect in 1992. The act banned all lobbyists’ gifts,
including campaign contributions, to state officials and candidates.
It limited donations from other sources (such as those employing
lobbyists) to $1,000 per primary, runoff or general election for
legislative candidates and $3,500 for candidates in statewide races
such as for governor.
At the time, veteran State House reporter Henry Eichel astutely
predicted that campaign contributions would displace old-fashioned
bribery as the major driving force behind legislation. Contributions
have in fact displaced naked bribery and have skyrocketed in
amounts. Legislative proposals are now driven by campaign
contributions.
Gov. Sanford seems to be taking his cue also from President Bush,
who showed in 2000 how his proposed tax cuts for the rich could
attract huge campaign contributions from the wealthy. Raising
unprecedented millions, Bush opted out of the public financing law
in his 2000 primary (and again in 2004), the first major candidate
to opt out since the law began in 1976.
The obvious lesson was that a proposal to cut taxes on the rich
would draw their big campaign donations the way rotten meat draws
vultures. It was also obvious from Bush’s flip-flopping that the
political justifications for such tax cuts could be adroitly shifted
— from cutting the budget surplus when there was too much economic
growth to stimulating the economy when there was too little.
Sanford is faced with shrunken state revenues and a struggling
economy. Of course, he has adopted the growth thesis.
Sanford’s tax cut would shift an estimated $100 million per year
from state use for education, transportation or law enforcement,
mostly to the rich, the same people who have given Sanford as much
as $10,500 apiece for his prior campaign and who can legally give at
least $3,500 for 2006. In 2002, many of these same donors also
heaped money on the governor’s party, party caucus and legislators
as well, and will do so again for 2006.
If a donor will save $10,000, $50,000 or $100,000 per year in
state income taxes once the governor’s tax cuts are passed, a few
thousand dollars in campaign contributions reaps big dividends
quickly. Old-fashioned bribery has been replaced by big-money
campaign contributions, and this is why when ordinary citizens want
property tax relief, they instead get income tax cuts for the
rich.
Mr. Crangle is executive director of South Carolina Common
Cause.