x-sender: governor.haley@sc.lmhostediq.com x-receiver: governor.haley@sc.lmhostediq.com Received: from mail pickup service by sc.lmhostediq.com with Microsoft SMTPSVC; Wed, 25 Nov 2015 18:39:13 -0500 thread-index: AdEn2n1+xRwxNFOFRkiCVOelWB8aPA== Thread-Topic: Nazi origins of apocalyptic global warming theory From: To: Subject: Nazi origins of apocalyptic global warming theory Date: Wed, 25 Nov 2015 18:39:13 -0500 Message-ID: <6C69F522A2484395BBC0FF87227A10A2@IQ12> MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="iso-8859-1" Content-Transfer-Encoding: 8bit X-Mailer: Microsoft CDO for Windows 2000 Content-Class: urn:content-classes:message Importance: normal Priority: normal X-MimeOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V6.1.7601.17609 X-OriginalArrivalTime: 25 Nov 2015 23:39:13.0441 (UTC) FILETIME=[7D9F7110:01D127DA] CUSTOM Mrs. Annette Savoie 2999 Gabrysh Ave. se Palm Bay FL 32909 alouette8@juno.com 321-725-5559 ENVI Nazi origins of apocalyptic global warming theory 104.55.0.76 The Nazi Origins of Apocalyptic Global Warming Theory By Mark Musser February 15, 2011 One of the primary pioneering theorists on apocalyptic global warming is Guenther Schwab (1902-2006), an Austrian Nazi.[i] In 1958, Schwab wrote a fictional novel built off of Goethe's (1749-1832) Faustian religious play entitled "Dance with the Devil." "While a few scientists since the late 1800's had contemplated the possibility of minor global warming coming from industrial pollution, Schwab used Goethe's dramatic approach to convert the theory into an apocalyptic crisis. The book outlines many looming environmental emergencies, including anthropogenic global warming. Guenther Schwab's very popular novel was an apocalyptic game changer. By the early 1970's, it had been translated into several languages and had sold over a million copies. At one point in his novel, Schwab opines on the fragile relationship between oxygen and carbon dioxide in the atmosphere. Assuming the planet has only about 100 years remaining, Schwab frets over the continuing rise of carbon dioxide that "will absorb and hold fast the warmth given out by the earth. This will cause the climate to become milder and the Polar ice will begin to thaw. As a result, there will be a rise in the level of the ocean and whole continents will be flooded." Schwab had been a strong nature lover since boyhood, and by the 1920's he became very active in the emerging environmental movement in Austria. Later, he joined the Nazi Party. While this may sound odd to many who have bought into the Marxian propaganda over the years that the Nazis were right wing capitalistic extremists, greens who signed up for the Nazi Party were actually very typical of the day. The most widely represented group of people in the Nazi Party was the greens, and Guenther Schwab was just one of among many. The greens' interest in lonely places found a solitary niche in the singleness of Adolf Hitler, who ruled the Third Reich from his spectacular mountain compound, high in the Bavarian Alps called the Berghof. In English, this could easily be translated as Mountain Home, Bavaria. After the war in the 1950's, Guenther Schwab's brand of environmentalism also played a fundamental role in the development of the green anti-nuclear movement in West Germany. The dropping of the atom bomb and the nuclear fallout of the Cold War helped to globalize the greens into an apocalyptic 'peace' movement with Guenther Schwab being one of its original spokesmen. The unprecedented destruction in Germany brought on by industrialized warfare never before seen in the history of the world only served to radicalize the German greens into an apocalyptic movement. Their hatred toward global capitalism became even more vitriolic precisely because the capitalists were now in charge of a dangerous nuclear arsenal that threatened the entire planet. Later, Guenther Schwab joined the advisory panel of "The Society of Biological Anthropology, Eugenics and Behavior Research." Schwab was especially concerned with the burgeoning population explosion of the Third World that he was sure would eventually overrun Europe. By advocating modern racial science based on genetics, Schwab believed that the population bomb, together with its associated environmental degradation, could be averted. Here, Schwab shows his basic commitment to the Nazi SS doctrine of 'blood and soil' - an explosive concoction of eugenics and environmentalism loaded with eco-imperialistic ambitions that had devastating consequences on the Eastern Front in World War II. The success of Schwab's book helped him to establish an international environmental organization called "The World League for the Defense of Life." Not surprisingly, Werner Haverbeck, former Hitler Youth member and Nazi environmental leader of the Reich's League for Folk National Character and Landscape, later became the chairman of Schwab's organization. In 1973, Haverbeck blamed the environmental crisis in Germany on American capitalism. It was an unnatural colonial import that had infected Germany like a deadly foreign body. Both Schwab's organization and Haverbeck were also instrumental in establishing the German Green Party in 1980. Such embarrassing facts were later managed with a little housecleaning and lots of cosmetics, which was further buoyed by characterizing such greens as extreme 'right wing' ecologists -- a counterintuitive label that continues to misdirect and plague all environmental studies of the Third Reich. Worst of all is that Haverbeck's wife is also a Holocaust denier. Long before Al Gore's "Inconvenient Truth," green Nazi Guenther Schwab played a large role in catalyzing the frightening theory of global warming. With no small thanks to Schwab, the Great Tribulation of Global Warming was ushered into the modern consciousness behind the collapse of the Millennial 1,000 year Third Reich. There is therefore a swastika in the German woods that needs to be closely watched here. Mark Musser is the author of "Nazi Oaks: The Green Sacrificial Offering of the Judeo-Christian Worldview in the Holocaust" and a commentary on the warning passages in the book of Hebrews called "Wrath or Rest: Saints in the Hands of an Angry God." [i] Gert Gröning, Joachim Wolschke-Bulmahn, Stiftung Naturschutzgeschichte, Naturschutz und Demokratie!?: Dokumentation der Beiträge zur Veranstaltung der Stiftung Naturschutzgeschichte und des Zentrums für Gartenkunst und Landschaftsarchitektur (CGL) der Leibniz Universität Hannover in Kooperation mit dem Institut für Geschichte und Theorie der Gestaltung (GTG) der Universität der Künste Berlin, Martin Meidenbauer Verlag, 2006, p. 113. The Secret History of Climate Alarmism A very German story of power politics disguised as environmentalism http://www.weeklystandard.com/articles/secret-history-climate-alarmism By John Rosenthal August 9, 2010 Changes in the earth's atmosphere, the additional greenhouse effect and the resultant changes in the climate .??.??. represent a global danger for humanity and the entire biosphere of the earth. If no effective counteracting measures are taken, dramatic consequences are to be expected for all of the earth's regions. This warning will undoubtedly seem familiar, perhaps even mind-numbingly so. But if the substance sounds like the same-old same-old, the date on which it was issued might seem surprising. It was not in the run-up to the Copenhagen climate summit or indeed anytime in the last decade. The above passage is nearly two decades old. It comes from a resolution adopted by the German Bundestag in September 1991. The resolution in question summarizes and endorses the recommendations of a parliamentary commission of inquiry on "Taking Precautionary Action to Protect the Earth's Atmosphere." The commission had been set up in October 1987. Appearing before the Bundestag some seven months earlier, Chancellor Helmut Kohl had warned that the "greenhouse effect" threatened to bring about "a grave pattern of climate change" and had called for the burning of fossil fuels to be limited, not just in Germany but "worldwide." The June 1987 motion to form the commission envisioned "greenhouse gas" emissions producing "a global warming of from three to seven degrees Celsius" and called for counteracting measures to be taken even in the absence of scientific corroboration of the supposed threat-since otherwise, the document concludes darkly, "in a few decades .??.??. it could be too late." The original impulse to take action had come from the German Physics Society, which in January 1986 published a "Warning of an Impending Climate Catastrophe." Just over six months later, in August, the newsweekly Der Spiegel popularized the German physicists' "warning" in a spectacular cover story headlined "The Climate Catastrophe." The image on the cover of the magazine depicted Cologne's historic cathedral surrounded by the waters of the Atlantic Ocean: a consequence of the melting of the polar ice caps, as was explained on the inside of the issue. Thus was the "global warming" scare born. In Germany, in 1986. In a report submitted to the Bundestag on October 2, 1990, the commission of inquiry laid out a veritable "roadmap" for concerted international action to combat "climate change." The commission called for CO2 emissions to be cut by 30 percent by the year 2005 in all "economically strong industrialized countries." Germany itself was called upon to meet this goal. But the formulation "economically strong industrialized countries" was clearly tailored to fit Germany's major economic rivals: Japan and the United States. The report also calls for a 20-25 percent reduction in CO2 emissions among all the countries of the then European Community and a 20 percent reduction for all industrialized countries. "One needs to convince the other countries concerned of the necessity of such ambitious targets," the report explains, "and to arrive as quickly as possible at corresponding international agreements." The report declared it to be "urgently necessary" that a first international convention on "climate-relevant emissions" be adopted "at the latest in 1992 during the U.N. Conference on Environment and Development in Brazil." And so it would come to pass. It was at the 1992 U.N. conference-more commonly known as the "Rio Earth Summit"-that a certain American senator began his career as would-be prophet of warming-induced gloom and doom. Al Gore's book Earth in the Balance was timed for release just before the summit began. It was also here that the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change was opened for signature. It would be wrong to say that the climate change convention was merely "anticipated" by the work of the German Bundestag's commission of inquiry. The commission's 1990 report contains a full draft of such a "framework convention." The proposed convention was supposed to be supplemented later on by a protocol establishing the concrete emissions reduction obligations of the parties. This would become the Kyoto Protocol. The German commission stated that the protocol should "come into force by 1995 at the latest." In this respect, however, the international community was not able to keep to the schedule laid down by the German parliamentary commission. The Kyoto Protocol would first be adopted in 1997, and it would only come into force in 2005-as is well known, without the participation of the United States. Under the terms of the treaty, the assigned emissions targets are supposed to be met by the end of 2012. But a funny thing happened on the way to the Kyoto Protocol. The German plans to unite all the industrialized countries in a common effort to reduce "greenhouse gas" emissions gave rise to a treaty that placed the overwhelming bulk of the emissions reduction burden on the United States and, to a lesser extent, Japan. American criticism of the protocol has typically focused on the pass given to major industrializing nations like China and India. The treaty creates no concrete obligations for so-called developing countries. Only the 39 countries named in Annex I of the framework convention are assigned emissions reduction or limitation targets. All other parties to the agreement got, in effect, a free ride. Indeed, some are even paid to ride. By participating in what is known as the Clean Development Mechanism, developing countries may actually earn revenue under the Kyoto arrangements by selling "carbon credits" to countries with treaty obligations. But the fact is that even many "Annex I" countries have no obligation to reduce their emissions under the Kyoto arrangements. Some are even expressly permitted to increase them. This group includes not only Australia and Norway, but also, thanks to an ancillary agreement, several EU member states. Others are only required to keep their emissions stable. Still others are assigned nominal emissions reduction targets, which, however, on closer inspection turn out to be de facto licenses to increase their emissions. Perhaps most remarkably of all, Germany-the would-be pacesetter in the global effort to reduce emissions-ended up having at most only a relatively trivial reduction requirement under Kyoto. To understand how this could be so-and, above all, how it could have been so widely overlooked-we should return to the German commission of inquiry's report and consider the date of its submission. October 2, 1990. One day later, German reunification took place. When the commission proposed its ambitious target of a 30 percent reduction in CO2 emissions for Germany and other "economically strong industrialized countries," the inevitable demise of East Germany's highly inefficient, enormously carbon-intensive industries was already underway. This is significant because the commission also proposed backdating the reference year for measuring emissions reductions to a year before the actual coming into force of the treaty. The reference year that would finally be settled upon was none other than 1990. This reference year assured Germany a substantial carbon savings windfall from the phasing out of East Germany's obsolete industrial infrastructure. According to official statistics, from 1990 to 1995 CO2 emissions in the eastern German states fell by a whopping 44 percent. Germany was, moreover, not the only country to benefit from its statistical good fortune. A little-known feature of the Kyoto agreement permitted Germany to "share" its windfall with other European countries. The Bundestag's commission of inquiry had called on the German government to establish a common emissions reduction target with its EU partners. The actual individual contributions of each of the countries could vary and were to be decided amongst themselves. Article 4 of the Kyoto Protocol is clearly designed to accommodate such an arrangement-known as a "bubble" among Kyoto cognoscenti. Thus, under the terms agreed in Kyoto in 1997, each of the 15 countries that then comprised the EU is nominally committed to reducing emissions by 8 percent from 1990 levels. But, thanks to their formation of a "bubble," in reality the "EU-15" are only committed to collectively reducing their emissions by 8 percent. The real individual commitments of each of the countries were agreed upon prior to their ratification of Kyoto in 2002. It should be noted that, in keeping with yet another German initiative, the emissions reduction targets concern not just CO2, but rather a bundle of "greenhouse gases" of which CO2 is the most important component. The addition of the other gases further improved Germany's emissions record. Germany agreed to a 21 percent reduction in emissions. This was a far cry from the 30 percent reduction in CO2 emissions alone that the commission had recommended. It was also less than a 25 percent emissions reduction goal that the German government had set for itself. Nonetheless, a 21 percent reduction seems on first glance to represent a very generous contribution. This impression is, however, deceptive. The graph below illustrates the evolution of German carbon dioxide emissions. It has been adapted from a 2010 textbook on Renewable Energy and Climate Change by Volker Quasch­ning of Berlin's University of Applied Sciences. As the blue curve shows, even if we consider just CO2 emissions, the country has already met its Kyoto target. But as the other two curves in the graph make clear, this seemingly impressive achievement is largely just a statistical byproduct of the precipitous fall in eastern German emissions in the early 1990s. The evolution of CO2 emissions in eastern Germany is represented by the green curve. The red curve represents the evolution of CO2 emissions in western Germany. As can be seen, on Quaschning's calculations, they have barely diminished from 1990 till today. To the degree that Germany has recorded any additional decline in CO2 emissions in recent years, incidentally, it would appear mostly to be due not to the development of renewable energy sources, but rather to a simple shift away from coal-the most carbon-intensive of the fossil fuels-to oil or natural gas. The United Kingdom recorded reductions in CO2 emissions due to the same pattern of substitution. On closer inspection, Germany thus got off with what is in fact a remarkably light emissions reduction "burden." Thanks to the sharing of the German emissions windfall, other members of the EU-15 were let off the hook altogether.