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Lowcountry clout grows

Charleston flexes political muscle as Legislature opens
BY CLAY BARBOUR
Post and Courier Staff

COLUMBIA--At noon Tuesday, the gavels fell in both houses of the state General Assembly, officially kicking off what promises to be a difficult legislative session.

It was a muted beginning. No ceremonial robes -- not even any ceremony.

The lawmakers had come to work. Session open, they trekked their way to conference rooms to get started.

The next six months will be a trying time for lawmakers. The state is $350 million in debt, and aside from the governor's recent budget proposal, there have been few ideas for dealing with the problem.

One thing is certain. Whatever direction the Statehouse takes this session, the Lowcountry and the people representing it, will play a large role -- possibly larger than ever before.

With Sen. Glenn McConnell, R-Charleston, leading the Senate, Rep. Bobby Harrell, R-Charleston, chairing the House Ways and Means Committee and Gov. Mark Sanford of Sullivan's Island as the state's chief executive, the Lowcountry holds three of the four most powerful positions in state government. Speaker of the House is the fourth.

Combine that with the fact that the Charleston delegation is often the loudest and, at times, most forceful in the House, and it's easy to understand the newfound strength of Charleston in Columbia.

According to Walter Edgar, author of "South Carolina: A History," the Holy City was a powerful force in state politics prior to the Civil War.

After the war and because of some residual resentment, Charleston fell out of favor politically for a long time.

"It went into an eclipse," Edgar said "There was a real anti-Charleston climate, and that lasted a long, long time. But now, with some key members from Charleston, and a strong delegation as a whole, it is a pretty powerful voice in state government."

It wasn't an easy ride back. Charleston was saddled with two trunk-sized pieces of baggage: its role in the Civil War and the fact that it was a citified kind of place.

From the Civil War until the 1970s, rural areas dominated state politics. This was the result, at least in part, of the old rules that elected one senator from each county.

Urban areas were far more politically volatile, which meant a lot of turnover in elective offices. This prevented places such as Charles-ton from gaining seniority in the Senate.

The best example was the "Barnwell Ring," which consisted of the former Speaker of the House Solomon Blatt, House Ways and Means Chairman Windsor Smith and Senate President Pro Tem Edgar Brown.

All three were from Barnwell County, and all three ruled state politics for the better part of three decades.

But the rules changed in the 1970s as counties were broken into districts. Urban areas came back into power. No longer did a small county have the same amount of representation as a large county.

Still, for the most part, Columbia and Greenville seemed to benefit the most.

"I remember when I first came to the Statehouse, Greenville was really in charge," said state Rep. Shirley Hinson, R-Goose Creek.

Hinson has been in the House for seven years and has watched Charleston's prominence grow.

"I'd say it's even more than just the Charleston delegation (of which there are 14 in the House), it's the tri-county delegation," she said. "We are a pretty tight group, and that helps."

In the past, the dissension among Lowcountry legislators often was their undoing.

Sen. John Drummond, the ranking member of the Senate and former president pro tem, said for a long time the Charleston delegation wasted energy fighting itself.

"I remember I once told Arthur (Ravenel) that they would get a lot more done if they worked together," said Drummond, D-Ninety-Six, who has served in the Senate since 1966. "Arthur told me they would rather fight than win."

Whether they can maintain harmony today is the question. While the members of the Charleston delegation get along better now, they certainly split on issues from time to time.

With the state facing serious questions regarding the deficit, government restructuring and tax reform, there is plenty of room for disagreement.

"There is no doubt that Charles-ton has an inordinate amount of clout right now," says Bill Moore, a College of Charleston political science professor. "The real question is what will they do with it."

Moore says it will be important to keep an eye on issues of regional importance. The amount of attention those receive will be the true test of Charleston's voice in state government.

One issue important to many people in Charleston is property tax reform. With coastal land values skyrocketing, the issue has caught on with many of the Lowcountry Republicans in both the House and Senate.

Harrell has a plan that would eliminate property taxes on cars in three years with an 80 percent reduction in the first year. The money would be replaced with a 1-cent sales tax increase on items other than food.

Sanford has voiced more concern with income tax reform. He has said reduced income taxes, not property taxes, have been proven to spur an economy.

Another issue is the governor's plan to reduce the number of colleges statewide. Sanford has said all along that the state has too many. But McConnell reportedly considered throwing his support behind a plan to make Trident Technical Community College a four-year institution.

"We are not going to be together on everything," said state Rep. John Graham Altman III, R-Charleston. "But it's important that we try. We have a lot of issues back home to take care of, the health of the port and our colleges, property taxes. We can't accomplish that if we are fighting each other."

As Altman knows, things can get testy in the House delegation. The Charleston House members often split along party lines on local issues.

They did unite on the last day of last year's session -- but just to admonish Sen. John Kuhn, R-Charleston, for blocking money meant for state colleges.

Harrell clearly prefers smooth sailing.

"While Charleston members do hold a number of leadership positions," he said, "it is important to realize that it still takes a majority of the House and Senate to accomplish anything. And folks had better keep this in mind, if we want to fix some of the problems this state faces."


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