Predictably, President George Bush's push to reform Social Security has
encountered stiff resistance. Some Democrats are even celebrating the
rising perception that reform's chances for this year are in serious
decline. Yet if our elected leaders squander this chance to address the
inexorable demographic challenges facing the largest entitlement program
in U.S. history, the biggest losers won't be President Bush and other
reform boosters, but the American people.
If those growing giddy over that potential outcome have a better idea
of how to save Social Security than the reform proposals advanced by
President Bush and others, they should present them. If not, they should
explain how Social Security can possibly survive the status quo over the
next few decades.
Repeating the obvious, President Bush put the system's problems in
simple, indisputable numeric terms during a news conference Thursday
night: "Today, there are about 40 million retirees receiving benefits. By
the time all the baby boomers have retired, there will be more than 72
million retirees drawing Social Security benefits."
He added: "And to compound the problem, there are fewer people paying
into the system. In 1950, there were 16 workers for every beneficiary;
today there are 3.3 workers for every beneficiary. Soon there will be two
workers for every beneficiary."
The president wants to offset those numbers with a "system in the
future where benefits for low-income workers will grow faster than
benefits for people who are better off." He later said: "Obviously it is
means-based when you're talking about lower income versus wealthier
income."
The idea prompted headlines and outcries about "benefit cuts." But at
least under the president's plan, those cuts would be imposed on wealthier
Americans, while benefits for poor Americans would be preserved.
Sen. Lindsey Graham, R-S.C., a convincing champion of reform, rightly
praised that "progressive" approach as "an absolutely essential component
in saving Social Security from bankruptcy."
And again, those who don't see the president's proposal, which includes
giving younger workers the alternative (in other words, on a voluntary
basis) of private accounts, as the best solution to Social Security's
problems should offer counter-solutions. Nobody, however, should ignore
the fiscal realities that require any effective proposal to include some
level of sacrifice.
That level of sacrifice will become higher the longer Washington waits
to deal with the challenges facing Social Security. Sen. Graham observed
this week: "No Democrat is going to negotiate until the president takes
his lumps."
No doubt that's the unfortunate political reality. But leaders in both
parties should realize that any short-term political gains in the Social
Security debate would ultimately be overwhelmed by devastating long-term
consequences if the system isn't fixed.