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Like flowers bursting forth in the morning sunshine, or if you prefer, like weeds sprouting after a spring rain, dissident political groups are springing up to back the other party's candidate for governor.

And like most civil wars, there's more intensity than in the tepid main contest between Republican Gov. Mark Sanford and Democratic challenger Tommy Moore.

We now have Democrats for Mark Sanford, Republicans for Tommy Moore, Upstate Republicans for Tommy Moore and Lexington County Republicans for Tommy Moore. And Grand Strand Republicans are raising money for Moore.

Weight of numbers, organization, financial clout and backgrounds goes to the GOPers for Moore.

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"These are usually fairly small groups and aren't significant when it comes to impacting the election but interesting this year is the dissatisfaction among Republicans toward Sanford," says College of Charleston political scientist William Moore, no relation to the candidate.

"That is a group," he said, "that potentially may have greater impact than Democrats for Sanford." Alienation factor

According to organizers, Sanford has alienated so many constituent groups that the modest 1998 "Republicans for Hodges" movement that helped defeat Republican Gov. David Beasley pales in comparison, although state GOP Chairman Katon Dawson says it's the other way around.

The anti-Sanford groups cite Clemson University folks irked by his involvement in the ICAR deal and concerns about his support for higher education, law enforcement unhappy with his veto of funds for a memorial, party regulars upset by his campaigning against legislative incumbents who didn't support him, and public education advocates wary of a tax credit plan that could aid private schools. And more.

Jason Miller, Sanford's campaign manager, says Democrats are coming over because of the governor's record and agenda -- from the environment to civil rights -- and that independent voters remain strongly behind him.

He cited last week's Rasmussen Reports poll as evidence. It showed Sanford's support among Democrats doubled to 24 percent, almost twice the July figure. Miller says that's empirical evidence that trumps anecdotal.

Sanford's campaign calls Democrats for Sanford "a coalition of independent-minded South Carolinians."

Democrats call it something else.

Both sides began unveiling their affinity groups 10 days ago.

Democrats for Sanford consists of the announced 14 mostly politically unknown "chairmen." Whether there are any members isn't clear, although the same could be said at this point for the larger pro-Moore groups.

The Sanford group includes Charleston attorney Rutledge Young Jr., past president of the South Carolina Bar Association; Eastover Mayor Chris Campbell, chairman of the Conference of Black Mayors; and Dell Isham, executive director of the state Sierra Club chapter. Weightier group

The various Republicans for Moore organizations appear weightier.

"You do have serious Republican opposition to Sanford's re-election, and it does run deep among members of the General Assembly, and obviously, it's spilling over to other sectors of influential citizens," said the College of Charleston's Moore.

Former Ambassador Weston Adams heads Republicans for Moore. Greenville's Tim Brett, a former Republican legislator and aide to Gov. Carroll Campbell, is running the Upstate group. Lyman Whitehead, former Lexington GOP chairman, leads his county's pro-Moore organization.

At the county level are several chairmen who have been county party chairs, plus Horry County Auditor Lois Eargle and former Agriculture Commissioner Les Tindal.

For some, not supporting their party's sitting governor is nothing new. Several backed Oscar Lovelace's primary challenge to Sanford, who won with a lackluster -- for a sitting governor -- 64 percent. And some were with Republicans for Jim Hodges, a group that helped defeat GOP Gov. David Beasley in 1998.

Business leaders aligned with Moore include W. W. "Hootie" Johnson, retired banker and Gov. Carroll Campbell's 1990 finance chairman; SCANA's William Timmerman, and Burroughs & Chapin's Egerton Burroughs, although the latter two have leaned Democratic in recent political donations. Structures differ

The Moore and Sanford groups are organized differently.

Unlike the breakaway Republicans, Democrats for Sanford will function as a part of the campaign, according to Miller.

Karen Gutmann, Moore's spokeswoman, said there's no coordination between the campaign and the various Republicans for Moore groups, "though we have heard they exist."

Eargle said she helped with a Sept. 7 Moore fund-raiser, generating $115,000 for his campaign, while Brett said the other committees will work on message, get-out-the-vote and, if funds allow, an ad campaign.

For Sanford, as for Beasley eight years ago, the big danger comes in a tightening race -- when base defections are magnified from a pinprick to sledge hammer.

Sanford, because he's governor, because he's stirred so many strong feelings among a wide array of groups and locales, seems to be far more of a lightning rod than Moore. For some, there seems to be an almost visceral feeling toward Sanford.