Job incentives must
be considered in larger context
IT’S HARD NOT TO be inspired by the decision of our state’s
leading business people and organizations to turn their political
focus from their immediate bottom lines to the fact that South
Carolinians make just 82 cents for every dollar people in the rest
of the country make. They correctly believe that we need to create
and lure not just more jobs, but more jobs that pay higher wages.
They wisely seek knowledge-based jobs.
Many of their proposals are contained in a bill the House will
take up today. It would encourage “angels” to invest in high-tech
start-ups, by giving them tax credits; set up a state program to
help small businesses get loans they can’t get from banks; encourage
businesses to offer medical insurance, through the use of tax
credits; offer a tax credit for creating new jobs to even more
companies; and attract distribution facilities by exempting their
products from sales taxes based solely on the fact that they pass
through the state.
For all its potential, though, there are significant problems
with the bill, because of what it doesn’t do.
In its promotional materials, the business coalition sensibly
notes that “with more than 80 percent of jobs in South Carolina
generated through small or existing businesses, they should receive
priority for incentives aimed ultimately at bringing the state’s per
capita income in line with the national average.”
But this proposal doesn’t begin such a shift. It simply creates
new incentives for small businesses, without scaling back or
eliminating some of the incentives we offer to larger
businesses.
Many of the new incentives are appropriately tied to wages: Pay
high wages, or offer good benefits, and you get tax incentives; pay
low wages, and you don’t. But the legislation does nothing about the
fact that too many existing business incentives are available for
new jobs that don’t pay so well.
Moreover, some business groups warn that tax credits, which come
after the fact, don’t offer much help to struggling start-up
businesses; this should at least raise the question of whether there
are more effective ways to accomplish the goal.
As we have said over and over, we believe it is unwise to keep
making piecemeal changes to our tax system. What we need is a
comprehensive approach — one that allows us to consider, for
instance, whether this particular tax break is still needed in light
of that one, whether it’s fair or even smart to structure this tax
break one way and that one another. Appropriately, one of the groups
in the business coalition, the Palmetto Institute, has made a study
of comprehensive tax reform its next big initiative.
A fundamental mark of a good tax system is that it is wide and
thin — it maximizes the number of people taxed in order to keep the
tax rate as low as possible. One reason our state isn’t as
competitive as we’d like it to be is that our tax code is so twisted
and contorted with special exemptions and exceptions that the tax
rates are higher than they should be. This means that those
individuals and businesses that don’t meet special legislatively
written criteria for getting a break have to pay higher taxes than
they would if we had a better-thought-out, more straightforward tax
system.
This legislation simply exacerbates that problem.
Even if legislators can’t help themselves, if they are certain
that we must act and act now to use the tax code to jump-start our
economy, let’s at least look at the whole scheme of business tax
incentives, and figure out which ones we should change or eliminate,
before we add on yet another batch of new ones. |